Mercredi 8 Octobre 2008 -- L'installation officielle de la section algérienne du Conseil consultatif de l'Union du Maghreb arabe (UMA), a eu lieu mercredi au siège du Conseil de la Nation (Alger), en présence des membres de la section des deux chambres du parlement algérien. M. Mohamed Laroussi Ben Sassi, élu président de la section le 28 juin dernier, a été installé mercredi à la tête de section, selon un communiqué du Conseil de la Nation.
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Thread: Union du Maghreb :
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8th October 2008 20:29 #29
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30th November 2008 22:59 #30
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November 30, 2008 -- In a meeting held in Marrakech on November 22nd and 23rd, members of several liberal parties in the Maghreb region discussed the different obstacles standing in the way of the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU).
Representatives from about 20 political parties in Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Mauritania gathered for their first joint meeting to address several issues of concern in the region.
"We need to discuss all the issues which concern us, objectively and vigorously, particularly the bipartite differences which prevent us from uniting peoples and integrating economies in the Maghreb [and] opening up borders," said Mohamed Tamaldou, president of the Network of Arab Liberals, which organised the event.
Participants proposed solutions to move on from the current status quo that is hindering Maghreb unity and the AMU.
"We think that the absence of democracy and freedom is one of the most influential blocking factors," Tunisia's Social Liberal Party secretary Mondher Thabet told Magharebia. "The AMU founding treaty put a ceiling on this institution’s ambitions and limited it to an understanding between the heads of state, who are, of course, in a state of disagreement."
He pointed out several factors hindering the union process. "I could cite in particular the problem of the Sahara," Thabet said. "We also think that the fragility of the middle classes in the Maghreb region has been one of the factors behind the failure of communications and shared projects."
Without a viable Maghreb Union, researchers say the region loses an estimated 4.6 billion euros every year, he noted.
People of the Maghreb are "missing out on incredible opportunities for development and growth," Thabet argued, laying out his action plan.
"Firstly, we must bring the current structure of the AMU back to the negotiating table. We think that the current institutions are wholly inadequate to bring about a Maghreb confederation," he said. "We must also think about promoting democracy and human rights in the Maghreb region."
Finally, he called for developing "an economic and industrial plan of action in the Maghreb region" and for establishing a synergy between businessmen in the different countries of the Maghreb".
The idea of an Arab Maghreb Union was first proposed at a 1958 summit in Tangiers.
In the decades which followed, nothing has blocked a united Maghreb as much as what Algerian politician Rabah Boucetta of the Rally for Culture and Democracy party calls the "lack of will among our leaders".
"We signed up to continue the work of the 1958 meetings," he said, but "reject what was done subsequently and what is known as the AMU".
Boucetta added, ""Each time it is said that this union is just a club for heads of state. It isn’t serving the peoples of the region."
Liberals - undeterred by the union plan's slow progress - remain committed to seeing the project realised for the region's shared good.
"The development of Maghreb Union institutions must proceed, particularly with the establishment of a parliament elected by the Maghreb peoples," said Liberal Women’s Organisation President Rawdha Seibi. "This could lead to a coming-together of civil society and governing bodies."
As to the contribution of the liberal movement to the union' success, Seibi said it could be considerable.
"Economic development could rightly take the place of political misunderstanding. Our thinking is the same as in the European Community, where it has led to unification at an institutional level," she told Magharebia.
"This is possible for the Arab world, and particularly for the Maghreb region."
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30th November 2008 23:01 #31
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November 30, 2008 -- Central bank governors from the Maghreb met on Saturday (November 29th) in Tunis to promote the Arab Maghreb Union and to enhance co-operation in the banking sector. The meeting, held on the anniversary of the Central Bank of Tunisia (BCT), featured participation from Philippe de Fontaine Vive, vice-president of the European Investment Bank (EIB), and French Central Bank governor Christian Noyer.
Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali said in his remarks that Maghreb integration is necessary in the face of global economic changes. He pressed for a series of economic and financial measures to support the process. The president underscored the need for boosting trade between Maghreb nations, as well as for harmonising payment systems and bank legislation to stimulate private investment.
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22nd January 2009 23:59 #32
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January 22, 2009 -- Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) member states are in the process of appointing representatives to the new Maghreb Committee on Maternal and Infant Health, APS quoted an AMU press release as saying Wednesday (January 21st). The new entity, which will co-ordinate Maghreb efforts to improve prenatal care, will include obstetricians, neonatologists and pediatricians.
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17th February 2009 23:50 #33
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February 17, 2009 -- Maghreb countries are determined to continue the process of the AMU to benefit future generations, the AMU General Secretariat said in a statement marking the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) on Tuesday (February 17th). On Monday, Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali sent a message to the heads of state of Algeria, Morocco, Libya, and Mauritania, reaffirming his country's commitment to joint actions for consolidating the institutions and structures of the AMU, Tunisian press reported.
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18th February 2009 05:40 #34
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Mercredi 18 Février 2009 -- Cela fait vingt ans, jour pour jour, que les cinq pays du Maghreb ont décidé de créer l’Union du Maghreb arabe (UMA). C’était le 17 février 1989, à Marrakech, au Maroc. Le traité, qui porte le nom de la ville marocaine, a été précédé, moins d’une année auparavant - en juin 1988 - par la déclaration de Zeralda. C’était le beau temps, la lune du miel entre les cinq pays de la région, qui espéraient devenir un ensemble hétéroclite et complémentaire à la fois. Mais, vingt ans après, que reste-t-il de cette UMA qui a tant fait vibrer les peuples du Maghreb des années durant ? Qu’a-t-on fait de ce rêve qui a accompagné, tout au long du XXe siècle, les mouvements libérateurs des cinq pays, notamment des trois nations pionnières, à savoir l’Algérie, la Tunisie et le Maroc ? Mais, avant de répondre à ces questionnements, il faudrait revenir un peu en arrière et tenter de revisiter ces vingt ans de désamour et, même d’hypocrisie. Avant de sceller cette union, qui répondait beaucoup plus à une logique en vogue à l’époque, qui faisait que le monde se construit sur des ensembles, les relations entre les cinq pays, auxquels voulait s’ajouter l’Egypte - la proposition est toujours de mise - étaient paradoxales, sinon froides, notamment entre l’Algérie et le Maroc. Malgré cela, les cinq dirigeants de l’époque, Chadli pour l’Algérie, Hassan II pour le Maroc, Benali pour la Tunisie, Ould Taya pour la Mauritanie et l’invincible Kadhafi pour la Libye, ont tenté de faire le minimum pour montrer un semblant d’union. Des réunions se sont succédées, d’abord entre les différents responsables avant de s’élargir aux chefs d’Etat. Cela a débouché, donc sur le fameux Traité de Marrakech. Depuis, peu, sinon très peu de choses ont été faites. Sur le terrain, mis à part certaines unités industrielles et la suppression des visas - mesure reprise en 1994 entre l’Algérie et le Maroc - peu d’évolutions ont été enregistrées. Il reste que sur le plan politique, hormis la création d’un parlement et d’un secrétariat général qui font semblant de fonctionner, seuls quatre sommets ont été organisés en 20 ans. Depuis 2005, aucune rencontre, même informelle, entre les chefs d’Etat, n’a eu lieu. Il est vrai que les ministres des Affaires Etrangères et ceux de l’Intérieur se rencontrent de temps en temps -même leurs réunions passent souvent inaperçues - mais sans déboucher sur des décisions concrètes. Cela au moment où chacun des Etats de la région a signé, en solo, l’accord d’association avec l’Union européenne. À cela, s’ajoute un couac de taille : les frontières terrestres - celles aériennes sont depuis rouvertes - entre l’Algérie et le Maroc sont fermées depuis 1994, suite à l’attentat terroriste de Marrakech. À la même période, le Maroc a décidé d’instaurer le visa d’entrée sur le territoire marocain pour les citoyens algériens, puis, l’Algérie avait répliqué par le principe de réciprocité. La mesure a beau être suspendue, par décision des deux chefs d’Etat en 2005, mais sans résultat tangible. À cela, il faut ajouter, comme facteur de blocage, le conflit du Sahara occidental, que le Maroc brandit à chaque fois qu’une issue est entrouverte.Vingt ans après, l’Union du Maghreb arabe ne signifie pratiquement plus rien, sinon un slogan de plus. Or, les cinq pays le savent très bien : leur développement reste tributaire de leur union.
L’intégration économique maghrébine en débat à Tunis
La complémentarité dans le domaine agricole, dans la perspective de l’intégration économique du Maghreb, dans un contexte international fortement concurrentiel, a été au centre d’une rencontre organisée hier à Tunis par des instances professionnelles maghrébines, à l’occasion de la célébration du 20ème anniversaire de l’UMA. Pour l’Union maghrébine des agriculteurs (Umagri), basée à Tunis, les bouleversements induits par la hausse de la demande alimentaire mondiale, la multiplication des regroupements et la spéculation sur le commerce des produits agricoles de base engendrent pour les pays du Maghreb un défi en matière de sécurité alimentaire. Le changement climatique et ses pressions sur les ressources naturelles, la forte concurrence sur les marchés extérieurs et l’accroissement des conditionnalités imposées aux exportations agricoles renforcent ce besoin, «aujourd’hui plus que jamais», de coordination de l’action des pays du Maghreb, sur la base de la concertation, de la solidarité et de l’interaction des intérêts, avec un double objectif : protéger les intérêts des peuples du Maghreb et renforcer sa position aux plans régional et international, a estimé le président de l’Umagri, Mabrouk Bahri. Un appel est ainsi lancé aux pays maghrébins afin qu’ils exploitent l’ensemble des opportunités de partenariat, dans le but d’accroître le volume des investissements dans la filière agricole et de lancer des projets efficaces porteurs de haute valeur ajoutée, notamment dans l’agro-industrie. Le président de l’Union maghrébine des employeurs (UME), basée à Alger, Hedi Djilani, a précisé que le processus d’intégration souffrait de l’absence d’approches d’accompagnement telles que l’harmonisation des dispositifs législatifs des pays membres, le maillage des institutions bancaires et financières, l’octroi de régime préférentiel pour l’investisseur maghrébin, en plus de l’absence, présentement, d’une infrastructure maghrébine adéquate (transports terrestre et maritime, autoroutes, voies ferrées). Il a souligné la nécessité pour les entreprises de s’imprégner de la culture de compétition et d’abandonner celle du marché local protégé, annonçant, dans ce contexte, l’organisation par l’UME, en mai prochain à Alger, d’un forum consacré à l’imprégnation des organisations et entreprises de la région d’une vision économique maghrébine unifiée.
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20th February 2009 18:34 #35
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Mohammad al-Ashab:
February 20, 2009 -- For more than one reason, the Maghreb Union will not return to its starting point, which was full of hopes and aspirations. Its resounding loss does not lie only in its immobility and inability to move forward, but also in the frustration that sneaked into the minds because of the failure of a project that enjoyed all conditions of objectivity, represented by the unity of history, religion, language, geographical outreach, and common destiny.
A lot of contradictions exist between what the partners to the project wanted 20 years ago, and what was achieved on ground. At that time, Algeria was seeking political pluralism outside the framework of the one party and wagered on the Maghreb Union to trigger adaptation and changes, which required the reconsideration of many political and economic choices. However, its concerns over rearranging its internal matters were more influential than opening up to its regional environment.
One of the hypotheses that entailed its opposite end is that Morocco had hoped, for its part, to see the Maghreb Union as a place where the conflicts are defused. It also wagered that the dialogue with Algeria in a multilateral framework could withstand if a bilateral dialogue collapses. However, communication threads intertwined at the very first turn and the dialogue between the two neighboring counties failed at all levels.
The Maghreb Union will be the secret word for the Libyan Jamahiriya, which replaced its bilateral unification projects with a collective project that was not up to the level of complete unity. Yet, this project embraced a larger number of countries that were eager for more than economic integration and less than political integration. In any case, the Maghreb Union was established at the backdrop of the collapse of the Arab-African Union between Rabat and Tripoli and the failure of the Treaty of Brotherhood and Cooperation between Nouakchott, Algeria and Tunisia, which was an indication for the entry to the zone of axes.
Tunisia's situation was delicate and President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali 's purpose was to consecrate a regional legitimacy for his regime, which was in the process of crystallization, while the Mauritanians chose to be enticed by the temptations of the Maghreb identity, in the hope that it would pave them the way to a broader dialogue with the European Union.
It does not matter now if circumstantial calculations speeded up the construction of the Maghreb Union. It is certain that a certain intuition led the Maghreb capitals to rehabilitate their capacities, at the rhythm of changes that heralded the fall of the eastern camp. Fears of the East European countries' openness to their Western counterparts posed the biggest challenge, in which the Maghreb region failed to keep promises and virtues that could have changed the balance of a peer-to-peer dialogue between Maghrebis and Europeans.
It was similar to identifying itself to other experiences in the Arab world, as the image of the Gulf Cooperation Council remained as the most influential in the Maghreb region, if not at the level of the particularities of the identity and the requirements of partnership, then at least in terms of establishing a bridge of dialogue between the components of the Arab world. Nevertheless, the Maghreb experience will survive in minds despite everything, contrary to the Arab Cooperation Council, which was driven by other goals. However, its survival does not go beyond brandishing emotions, in return for a stubborn insistence on retreating, which makes every Maghreb capital think and plan separately in the framework of its narrow borders. Also, the issue of borders - which was expected to be contained under a Maghreb Union that secures the freedom of movement, exchange of goods and the elimination of barriers - resurfaced due to the exception on the closed borders between Algeria and Morocco.
One of the paradoxes of the Maghreb Union is its presence in all forms of dialogue within boarder regional systems, the most recent of which were the commitments represented by the "5 + 5" group that embraces Spain, France, Italy, Portugal, and Malta, along with the Maghreb countries. Though the ceiling of dialogue does not exceed the security dimensions, which mirror the European fears vis-à-vis the spread of terrorism, illegitimate immigration, and others, it is notable that these issues were not incentives to convene regular Maghreb summits that have been postponed to an unidentified date. There is a huge difference between the motives behind establishing the Maghreb Union and the challenges of its current situation.







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