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  • #61
    Samy Cherroud :


    Samedi 16 Octobre 2010 -- Les familles de disparus veulent que les autorités algériennes acceptent l’ouverture des charniers dans lesquels les terroristes enterreraient les corps de leurs victimes. C’est le message lancé ce samedi 16 octobre ?* Alger par Mme Nassera Dutour, présidente du collectif des familles de disparus en Algérie (CFDA) lors d’une rencontre organisée par la fédération euro-méditerannéenne contre les disparitions forcées (FEMED), dont elle est la présidente. Celle-ci compte plusieurs associations algériennes, bosniaques, chypriotes, espagnoles, irakiennes, libanaises… L’Algérie est représenté par les associations Djazirouna et Somoud. Mme Dutour a ainsi invité les pouvoirs publics algériens ?* accepter la venue d’experts étrangers pour les aider ?* identifier les corps des victimes qui, une fois connues, permettront enfin ?* leurs familles d’entamer leur deuil.

    «Plus le temps passe, plus les possibilités de leur identification devient difficile ?* effectuer», intervient Ali Merabet, président de l’association des disparus Somoud. Ce dernier affirme que le nombre des charniers contenant des cadavres de victimes du terrorisme est important. Pour la seule région de Sidi-Moussa ?* Blida dans laquelle il vivait avec sa famille, dont son frère porté disparu ?* ce jour, il a pu dénombrer 17 charniers qui n’ont jamais été ouverts. «L’Etat fait exprès de les ignorer en les recouvrant de chaux pour éviter que l’odeur des cadavres ne trahisse leur existence et parfois on y dépose des vieilles voitures. Certains chantiers ont été ouverts parce que l’on soupçonnait que le cadavre d’un haut placé y était et la manière avec laquelle le déterrement des os s’est faite laisse ?* désirer. J’ai vu des os entassés pêle-mêle dans des seaux d’eau tant les moyens utilisés sont dérisoires», a-t-il déclaré.

    La présidente de Djzairouna, Chérifa Kheddar, dénonce l’absence de volonté politique de la part des autorités algériennes pour régler définitivement le dossier des disparus : «On nous dit que l’identification par l’ADN nous revient trop cher, nous répondons que cela ne peut pas coûter plus que ce que nous avons payé jusque-l?* et que de toutes les façons rien ne vaut le respect de la vie humaine et des droits humains !».

    Dans son exposé sur les disparitions en Algérie, le Dr Aimen Boudellaa s’est basé sur les données recueillies auprès des associations de disparus pour établir une étude qui démontre certaines indications sur les cas étudiés et qui remontent ?* la décennie noire. Ainsi, il en ressort que près de 19 % des disparitions ont été le fait d’individus inconnus, près de 18 % par le fait de la police, 12.5% de militaires, et 11.9 %de gendarmes. Alger détient la palme du nombre des disparus avec 25.5 %, suivie de Constantine avec 16.4 % et de Oran avec 8.7 %, alors que les années 1994, 1995 et 1996 ont connu le pic en termes de nombre de disparus dont l’âge varie essentiellement entre 20 et 40 ans. Prés de la moitrié des disparitions forcées ont été effectuées aux domiciles des victimes ou ?* proximité, 14.7 % dans la rue et 14.6 % dans leurs lieux de travail ou ?* proximité.

    Comment


    • #62

      أكد الوزير الاول السيد أحمد أويحيى الخميس بالجزائر العاصمة أن من ضمن 6478 ملفا للمفقودين الذين تم إحصاؤهم لم تبق سوى 35 حالة تجري تسويتها مع العائلات المعنية.

      في تقديمه لبيان السياسة العامة للحكومة امام نواب المجلس الشعبي الوطني، أوضح السيد أويحيى أن من بين 332 13 ملف خاص بالعائلات التي ابتلت بضلوع أحد أقاربها في الإرهاب لم يبق سوى 57 ملف قيد استكمال المعالجة.

      وأضاف أن من جل الملفات المودعة وعددها 400 10 حول التسريح من العمل ومن بين جميع الحالات التي أثبتت صلتها بالمأساة الوطنية لم يبق اليوم سوى 23 ملف في انتظار التصفية.

      واعتبر الوزير الأول بهذه المناسبة أن "استتباب الأمن وحلول الوئام المدني ثم المصالحة الوطنية تمثل أهم إنجازات بلادنا خلال هذه العشرية" مشيرا إلى أن الإرهاب "قد هزم بفضل الكفاح البطولي للجيش الوطني الشعبي وقوات الجمهورية والمواطنين المتطوعين".

      وأضاف أن ذلك "تعزز بخيار الشعب للسلم والمصالحة الوطنية الذي عكفت الحكومة على تنفيذه الكامل" موضحا بأن الدولة "تؤكد تضامنها مع عائلات ضحايا الإرهاب والتزام الجمهورية إزاءها بالعرفان والدعم".

      وسجل الوزير الأول في نفس السياق أن الإرهاب "قد أصبح الآن محل تنديد شامل في بلادنا ولم يعد في إمكانه التستر وراء أي بهتان سياسي كان كما لم يعد لبقايا الإرهاب أي مستقبل في أرض الجزائر".

      غير انه ناشد المواطنين لـ"التحلي باليقظة إزاء الإرهاب الذي يتميز دوما - كما قال- بالجبن و يمكن أن يستغل أي تعاون لارتكاب جرائم غادرة والمساس بسلامة الارواح و الممتلكات".

      وأضاف أن "الحكومة حريصة كل الحرص على التكفل بواجب حماية امن المواطنين بفضل يقظتهم سيساهمون بدرجة عالية في تعزيز امنهم".

      وأكد السيد أويحيى ايضا "أن عزم الجزائر للقضاء على آثار الإرهاب يتعزز بكون شعبنا قد مد يده بكل سخاء من خلال مسار المصالحة الوطنية الذي تحرص الحكومة على تنفيذ جميع بنوده القانونية".

      وفي نفس السياق جدد "نداء الدولة لأولئك الذين لا زالوا مصرين على الإرهاب والخراب إلى العدول عن العنف ضد شعبهم ودولتهم والالتحاق بمسلك المصالحة الوطنية و الاستفادة من رحمة الجمهورية".

      وخلص بالقول أن الحكومة ستبقى "حريصة على تعزيز وحدة شعبنا وتماسكه بما يمكن من تحصين أمن واستقرار بلادنا من أي مؤامرة جديدة قد تحاك ضدها".

      Comment


      • #63
        Robert Fisk, December 20 2010:


        They are all over the wall of Naseera Dutour's office, in their hundreds, in their thousands. There are cemeteries of them, bearded, clean shaven, the youth and the elderly of Algeria, veiled women, a smiling girl with a ribbon in her hair, in colour for the most part; the bloodbath of the 1990s was a post-technicolor age so the blood came bright red and soaked right through the great revolution that finally conquered French colonial power. There's a powerful irony that Naseera's cramped offices – "SOS Disparu", it's called, in conscious imitation of the searches for the "disappeared" of Chile and Argentina – should be on the ground floor of an old pied noir apartment, beyond a carved wooden door and patterned tiles, at No.3 rue Ghar Djebilet, just off Didouch Mourad St. Didouch, too, was a martyr – of the first revolution, the one we were supposed to remember in Algiers this month – rather than all those faces on Naseera's walls. For Naseera, too, has a martyr to mourn.

        No talk at Algeria's anti-colonialism conference of the 6,000 men and women who died under torture at the hands of the Algerian police and army and hooded security men in the 1990s. For across at Sidi Fredj – yes, just up the coast where the French landed in 1830 – le pouvoir was parading a clutch of ancient ex-presidents from the mystical lands of the anti-colonial struggle, to remind us of Algeria's primary role in the battle against world imperialism. There was old Ahmed Ben Bella – more white-haired skeleton than Algeria's first leader, coup-ed out of power in 1965 (although they didn't mention that). There was poor old Dr Kenneth Kaunda, who mercilessly tried to sing a song under the wondrous eyes of Thabo Mbeki. And then there were the Vietnamese whose victory at Dien Bien Phu taught the FLN (National Liberation Front) that they could beat the French here, which they did in 1962 at a cost of, say, one and a half million "martyrs". In theory, this was all staged to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the UN General Assembly's Resolution 1514, which demanded the right of independence to all colonised people (special emphasis in Algiers, of course, on the Palestinians and the Sahrawi refugees). But the real reason le pouvoir – "the authorities" – gathered these elderly ex-presidents in Algeria was to build a new foundation – wood or concrete I haven't yet decided – over the mass graves of the 250,000 "martyrs" of another conflict, the barbarous civil war of 1990-98, if indeed it has yet ended. Le pouvoir has invented a wonderful new expression for this bloodbath. It's called Algeria's "National Tragedy", as if the government's suspension of elections and the brutal, family-slaughtering, throat-cutting war with the savage Islamists of the Armed Islamic Group, the GIA, was a Shakespearean play, Othello perhaps, or Hamlet in which, I suppose, Ben Bella stares at his own skull. More like Titus Andronicus, if you ask me.

        Naseera Dutour's brave little team of girl volunteers tap away on their laptops, listing yet more families who seek the remains of those victims of the security forces for whom all hope is gone. The cops drop by the office from time to time for a spot of harassment, but they have no need to worry. Amina Beuslimane, a pretty 28-year-old civil servant, supposedly taking snapshots of cemeteries and blown-up buildings – perhaps for evidence of government crimes – was arrested by security police on 13 December 1994. Her family were told they would not see her again and she apparently ended up in the special interrogation and rape centre at the Chateauneuf barracks. The butchers of Chateauneuf can relax, however, because a post-war referendum that granted an amnesty to the "Islamists" also purged the security forces of their crimes. And besides, Amina's mum died a few days ago, so there's one less memory to worry about.

        I walked through the laneways of Algiers for several days, in places a foreigner would not have survived 16 years ago. In the Casbah, I visited the spot where poor Olivier Quemener, a French television journalist whose camera sticks I had carried the previous day, was shot dead by bearded "Islamists" in 1994, his reporter colleague found lying wounded beside him, weeping over his dead friend. Compared with all the civilians beheaded and raped by the GIA outside Algiers, I suppose Quemener was spared the very worst. As for the tough old cops of the 1990s who used to blast water through men's throats until their stomachs burst, most must be dead themselves, a few en retrait, as they say. And some of the rapists from Chateauneuf, who knows, through trails of promotion, may have been guarding the equally old conference delegates at Sidi Fredj. And by the way, Jacques Vergès was there, he whose wife was so cruelly treated by the French and who defended the Nazi butcher Klaus Barbie. Ironies pile up here like old bones. And yes, the government won the civil war, didn't they, and anyway who would have wanted the bearded Islamic Salvation Front to have ruled back in the 1990s, imposing sharia law and veiling women and murdering every opponent and, besides, is not the pouvoir the real inheritor of the old National Liberation Front, the FLN? In Algeria, they have a phrase for these arguments. They call it "heating up old soup".

        Comment


        • #64
          continued.....

          And so art comes to the rescue of memory. There is a spring of new books being published in Algeria, novels of great richness and beauty and sadness, the only way authors can confront those mass graves of the 1990s. A veiled woman in a bright new Algiers bookshop advises me to buy two of them. In Amin Zaoui's Bed of the Impure Virgin, old florist Momou – plying his trade, yes, on the same Didouche Mourad St – laments the 1973 murder of his old poet friend Jean Sénac. Believing that he will portray Senac in a movie, Momou – he loves only Algiers, flowers, wine and poetry – slowly goes mad, reciting Senac's verse in the streets and tea-shops, ending in a small city courtyard beneath a tree where he quotes night and day the words of Senac, a real anarchist and poet and friend (yes, again!) of that old phantom Ben Bella who made his return from the grave last week. But the courtyard is used for prayers by the Islamists of the 1990s and because Senac was a "homo" (their words) and because this is against Islam and because Momou might have been Senac's lover, they string up the crazy florist from the tree, and his body hangs there for three days and three nights as the bearded men say their dawn prayers beneath his corpse. Do I smell Camus here?

          And then there's Adlène Meddi's novel of Algiers today in which two old soldiers (graduates of Algeria's Cherchell Military College) reminisce of the 1990s and one of them tells the other of a nightmare experience. In the Arab world, novels are often fiction dusted with truth. In Algeria, they are truth cloaked in fiction. Read then with appropriate horror Meddi's description of the fate of an Algerian army commandant, Djaafar Rahb, commander of the 2nd Armored Division at Tlegema, who deserts to the "terrorists" and is caught and tied to a tree. The army commander arrives from Constantine by helicopter, the soldiers are lined up, the man's wife and two children are brought to the scene and the soldiers pour petrol on Rahb and set him on fire, the cadets vomiting at the stench of carbonised flesh. What lies behind such writing? Meddi's hero is Sjo, a retired cop who goes back to work to pay off his debts and starts a murder enquiry that brings back all the ghosts of the 1990s. His journalist friend Ras, still mourning his professional colleagues who had their throats slit by the GIA, walks with him down an Algiers street, still fearful of the past. "Ras walked like Djo. One eye in front, the other behind his head... Followed by death for years, he had developed a strong sense of prudence and impending disaster. Everything leaves its traces..."

          And that is exactly how le pouvoir feels and acts today, one confident eye to the future, one terrified eye to the past, acting with prudence and with fear that the nightmares of the 1990s may yet return. The earlier, great anti-colonial struggle of which all Algerian delegates spoke was fought against the French. Yet not once was the word "France" mentioned at the Sidi Fredj conference. It cannot be, for while delegates were trucked off to the concrete ghastliness of the 1954-62 "Martyr's Monument" to the anti-French war of independence, another little journey – by a certain Abdelaziz Belkhadem, special representative to President Bouteflika, who couldn't quite make it to the conference – said a lot more about modern Algeria. Having stunned delegates with a speech of mind-numbing boredom ("undeniable progress after the heavy burdens of the colonial era", etc, etc), he sped off to the gaunt sepulchre of the newly restored French cathedral of Our Lady of Africa, consecrated at the height of French power in 1872, which still towers gloomily over the city of Algiers. Desecrated by Islamists, broken by a more recent earthquake, the whole place, once a symbol of French Catholic domination of Muslim Algeria, has been magnificently patched up and re-painted and re-tiled at a cost of more than £4 million by the European Union, the French Embassy and numerous Algerian benefactors – and reopened, heritage-style, as a monument to coexistence. And there the man who had just condemned the heavy burdens of colonialism stood with the French to commemorate this great church – and refused to read his speech. Because, for so it was hinted, he didn't think the French had given the Algerians enough credit for the restoration? Or because he was standing next to another ghost, the brave ex-archbishop of Algiers, Monseigneur Henri Teissier, he who received the phone call on 21 May 1996 that the seven monks of Tibherine – now immortalised on film – had been decapitated? "Three of their heads were hanging from a tree near a petrol station," he told me then. "The other four heads were lying on the grass beneath." Now the French suspect the Algerian army tried to free the monks from their GIA captors, killed them by mistake and covered up their disaster by burying the bullet-riddled bodies and leaving their heads behind as another GIA "crime".

          The next Catholic edifice to be dusted off will be the basilica of Saint Augustine at Annaba. For, like it or not, the French have fallen in love with Algeria again – and the Algerians have fallen in love with the profits of a new relationship with France. Former French prime minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin has just been here to support long-term industrial projects – a new Renault factory is soon to open on the outskirts of Algiers – and Claude Guéant has been chatting up President Bouteflika on behalf of Nicolas Sarkozy. And, now that France can join in the famous "struggle against terror", ex-General Christian Quesnot has been visiting, while the Élysée has been busily handing over maps of French colonial minefields to the Algerian army. French and Algerian chiefs of staff regularly talk on the phone. Can this new affair last? In Blida, the ancient guerrilla fighters are trying to persuade the mayor to rename local streets after the seven Algerians killed by French troops in a July 1961 anti-French demonstration. Other guardians of the war – the one before the "National Tragedy", of course – have been moving the grisly old French guillotine to the Tlemcen museum so that "the youth of Algeria realise that their independence came not as a gift but at a price". In his last interview, the surviving French servant of this infernal machine explained the importance of speed when decapitating Algerians – for if the victim struggled, the blade might not cut his neck and it would be necessary to finish the job with a knife.

          And all the while, the guns can be heard from Tizi Ouzou. Yes, sure enough, the Islamists are still out there, the GIA having long ago morphed into "al-Qa'ida in the Maghreb", currently fighting off a division of Algerian troops beyond the Berber capital, subject to a rattisage of armoured vehicles and helicopter attacks, the villages marooned without food and with all local mobile phones shut down by the government. "Twelve terrorists killed", a headline reads in El-Moujahed. And where have we heard that before? Why, in Iraq, of course. And in Afghanistan today. And throughout the "National Tragedy". Only "terrorists", mark you. The army is rumoured to have killed Abdelmalek Droukdel (alias Abu Mousaab Abdelouadoud), al-Qa'ida's top man in Algeria, and thus, according to the daily Liberté, "the operation ... constitutes a turning-point in the anti-terrorist struggle". But we've heard all this before too, after the government killed the "monster" Antan Zouabia and after they shot Droukdel's predecessor Nabil Sahrawi. No "embeds" with the Algerian army of course. And if rumour is correct, there's every good reason for this: because U.S. Special Forces officers from their camp near Tamanrasset are said to be "observing" the Kabyle operation. Why not? After all, only last week Washington's top military commander in the region, U.S. Africa Command General David Hogg, was showering praises on the Algerian security services for their "impressive progress and leadership" in fighting "terrorism". He wants more co-ordination with neighbouring Arab states – which is why Tunisia's top intelligence spook, one of Tunisian dictator Ben Ali's most trusted acolytes, turned up to talk to his Algerian opposite number this week. And what, I asked Naseera Dutour, did she think when she heard U.S. officers praising the security services who tortured and killed so many Algerians during the civil war? She pulls out an old photograph of her 21-year old son Amin, kidnapped on 31 January 1997 (he would be 35 today), never seen again, and holds it to her bosom like a shield. She speaks in French but only one word escapes her lips, loudly and with great emotion. "Scandale!"

          Comment


          • #65
            Sonia Lyes :


            Mercredi 2 Mars 2011 -- En dépit de la levée de l’état d’urgence, les familles de disparus ont, une nouvelle fois, été empêchées ce mercredi 2 mars d’atteindre le lieu de leur rassemblement devant le siège de la CNCPPDH où elles manifestent habituellement chaque semaine. Dans un communiqué rendu public mercredi, le collectif des familles de disparus en Algérie (CFDA), soutient que le rassemblement des mères de disparus «rappelle que le dossier des disparus n’est pas clos, que le combat n’est pas terminé et ne le sera pas tant que toute la Vérité et la justice n’auront pas été faites». Désormais, selon le communiqué, la trentaine ou parfois la cinquantaine de mères qui se donnent rendez‑vous chaque mercredi sont obligées de tenir un rassemblent loin de la CNCPPDH, devant la caisse des retraites sise ?* une cinquantaine de mètres de l?*. «Les luttes pour la démocratie et pour les droits de l’Homme dans la région leur ont redonné espoir. Elles ont écrit de nouvelles pancartes sur lesquelles on peut lire des slogans faisant référence ?* Ben Ali, ?* la chute du régime. Elles se mettent ?* espérer que si l’État de droit voyait le jour en Algérie, elles obtiendraient enfin la Vérité et la Justice tant attendues», note le CFDA. Selon Me Farouk Ksentini, Président de la CNCPPDH, le dossier des disparus est «clos». 97% des familles de disparus ont accepté l’indemnisation, avait‑il déclaré récemment ?* la radio.

            Comment


            • #66
              Samia Amine :


              Mardi 8 Mars 2011 -- Pour rappeler le combat mené par les femmes et mères des disparus de la décennie noire, un rassemblement a été tenu ce mardi 8 mars place du 1er Mai ?* l’occasion de la journée de la femme. Près d’une cinquantaine de personnes ont répondu ?* partir de 13 heures ?* l’appel de l’association SOS Disparus. Brandissant les portraits de leurs proches disparus au cours des années 1990, des hommes mais surtout des femmes criaient ?* tue-tête : «Ya raïs Bouteflika, oulach khaïf men hakika (monsieur le président, pourquoi avez-vous peur de la vérité)». Les agents de sécurité dépêchés sur les lieux se sont contentés d’encadrer les manifestants. «Pour l’instant, ils ne leur ont rien fait. Cependant, ils empêchent les curieux de s’arrêter pour voir ou pour rejoindre les manifestants», nous indique Khelil Moumène, secrétaire général de la Ligue algérienne de défense des droits de l’homme.

              Comment


              • #67
                Merouane Mokdad :


                Dimanche 13 Mars 2011 -- L’avocat Farouk Ksentini, président de la Commission Nationale Consultative pour la Protection et la Promotion des Droits de l’Homme (CNCPPDH), a refusé de recevoir des représentants des familles de personnes victimes de disparitions forcées, selon un communiqué du Comité des familles des disparus (CFDA), rendu public ce dimanche 13 mars ?* Alger. «La Présidente de SOS Disparus a demandé un entretien avec Me Farouk Ksentini, entretien fixé ce vendredi 11 mars 2011. Les mères les plus actives de SOS Disparus ont tenu absolument ?* être présentes aux cotés de leur présidente et ce, afin de prouver ?* ce dernier que l’association ne se résumait pas ?* deux personnes», est-il écrit. Selon la même source, ?* leur arrivée les familles ont trouvé un important dispositif policier voulant les empêcher d’accéder au siège de la CNCPPDH ?* Alger. «Elles ont quand même réussi ?* franchir le cordon de police. Cependant, Me Ksentini, complètement affolé devant une poignée de mères, a catégoriquement refusé de les recevoir. L’insistance des mères de disparus n’y a rien fait ; ne voulant rien entendre, il a pris la fuite comme par peur de se voir rappeler ses déclarations mensongères ainsi que les revendications de Vérité et Justice des mères et victimes qu’il préférerait visiblement pouvoir oublier», est-il rapporté. «Après avoir multiplié au cours des derniers mois les propos visant ?* réduire le mouvement des familles de disparus en Algérie ?* «une vieille dame et sa fille» déclarant que l’association n’existait pas et que le dossier des disparus était clos en dépit d’une «poignée de marginales» qui s’obstinent ?* demander Vérité et Justice, Me Farouk Ksentini n’a plus reçu les familles de disparus ?* la CNCPPDH depuis près d’une année», est-il écrit. Le CFDA a rappelé que le président de l’institution qui relève de la présidence de la République avait estimé ne s’être emparé du dossier des disparus que pour des raisons humanitaires alors que celui-i ne relevait pas de sa compétence. «Par la suite, en août 2010 le rassemblement hebdomadaire que tenaient les familles de disparus depuis plus de douze ans sur la Placette Addis Abeba a été interdit. Les familles continuent toujours de se rassembler malgré tout, un peu plus haut devant la Caisse Nationale de Retraite (CNR), et tentent régulièrement de regagner l’espace qui leur a été confisqué», est-il noté.

                Comment


                • #68
                  Brahim Takheroubte:


                  ALGIERS, March 18, 2011 (WOMENSENEWS) -- The late-February lifting of the state's emergency powers law hasn't helped the women who keep a weekly vigil here for relatives who disappeared in the country's 1992-2001 civil war. "We are prevented from demonstrating, we are still under surveillance and each time we try to march police violently shove us around and flood us with vulgarities," said Amel Boucherf. For years she and other women whose relatives disappeared during the war have convened at the same place: the headquarters of the National Advisory Commission for the Protection and Promotion of Human Rights. The female protesters, who have been gathering for 12 years, are a fixture of capital life. They wear headscarves, raise portraits of their missing relatives and chant slogans for "Justice and Truth" as well as against "Oblivion and Impunity." "They say they've lifted the state of emergency but that is just a PR move, as in reality nothing has changed," said Boucherf. Lifting the emergency law - which banned demonstrations and restricted assembly - was a key demand of opposition groups who have been staging weekly protests in the Algerian capital of Algiers as part of the "Arab spring" of pro-democracy unrest. Arab leaders from Algeria to Yemen have been making concessions in the hope that their governments will not be the next to be toppled in unprecedented protests inspired by the popular uprisings of Tunisia and Egypt. But Boucherf says no concessions are reaching her group of demonstrators. For months, police have stopped the protesters from gathering at their customary meeting point. Farouk Ksentini, president of the National Advisory Commission for the Protection and Promotion of Human Rights has said that the case of missing people is closed and he will not tolerate the staging of further demonstrations linked to this cause in front of the institution.

                  6,544 officially missing

                  Officially, 6,544 were declared missing during the civil war. "We reject that number because our files show 8,000 people went missing," said Bousherf, adding that police on several occasions dragged her on the ground to prevent her from demonstrating. Nassara Dutour, who heads the Collective of Algerian Families of the Disappeared, echoes Boucherf's disappointment. "We thought that the lifting of the state of emergency would permit us to express ourselves, but we are seeing the same dramas unfold," she told Women's eNews. The Algerian conflict, which pitted rebel Islamists against the government, cost 200,000 lives overall and displaced nearly 1 million people, according to official figures. It also weakened the women's rights movement as activists received death threats from fundamentalist groups. But since the end of the war in 2002, human rights groups have complained that the main purpose of the state of emergency was to control civil society and choke political opposition through limits to the right to assembly and arbitrary detentions. The emergency law is still palpable in every day life and makes it hard for women in rural areas to reach the capital, said Maache Zine, president of Wafa, an organization that promotes handicraft production in rural areas and is headquartered in M'sila, about 185 miles southeast of the capital. "We are faced with dozens of checkpoints that create considerable delays," Zine told Women's eNews at a conference on the economy, held here in the capital on March 3. "Each time we have to show we have permission and each time we have to prove that we have no links to terrorism."

                  Rural women a world apart

                  Zine was attending the conference to advocate for better employment opportunities for women in rural areas, who live a world apart from their wealthier and better educated urban counterparts in the capital. In rural areas, illiteracy rates are higher, early marriages common and most of women's work limited to the home or informal sectors. Women in Algeria represent almost a third of the labor force. They make up 70 percent of Algeria's lawyers and they dominate the medical profession. More than 60 percent of university students are women and 68 percent of Algerian women can read and write, according to the ministry of education. But even among more privileged Algerian women the chances for political participation are limited, with only 10 percent of women serving in parliament, according to the Minister for the Family and the Status of Women Saadia Nouara Jaafari. Saida Benhabiles is president of the pro-government International Association for the Victims of Terrorism, which provides psychosocial support to women traumatized by the civil war. Many of these women lost relatives during a wave of terrorist attacks that rocked the country from 1998 to 2002. Benhabiles said the state of emergency provided a safe framework for her organization, which operates in isolated rural areas that were more vulnerable to terrorist attacks since security services were stretched thin. "We had to venture to far flung places, where terrorism was quite widely spread so it was a source of security for us," she said.

                  Emergency law to restrain rebels

                  The civil war pitted various Islamist rebel groups against the government after elections won by the Islamic Salvation Front in 1991 were annulled. The government imposed the emergency law to restrain those rebel groups. "Usually, women used to put perfume before going to bed, but in the years of terror, we wore oil on our necks so that if terrorists came to cut our throats we would not suffer," said Benhabiles. President Abdel Aziz Bouteflika, in power since 1999, has said the lifting of emergency powers will not interfere with the government's anti-terrorism efforts against armed Islamists. But information travels poorly in rural areas. Some women, said Benhabiles, don't fully grasp what the state of emergency means, while others never knew it even existed. "The first thing they ask is 'will this new measure allow us to sleep peacefully at night' or 'who is this state of emergency?'," she said. Benhabiles, who won a United Nations civil-society prize in 2001 for her leadership of the Algerian Association for Rural Women's Rights, explains that the state of emergency typically meant police or army roadblocks. "Immediately fear comes over their faces, they do not want to return to a state of chaos," she told Women's eNews. Alloua Amel heads the regional bureau in Setif - about 250 miles east of Algiers - of a national advocacy group for rural families. She places less emphasis on the state of emergency. "Having or not having the state of emergency changes nothing," she said. "The important thing is to open up communication channels with rural women because they are practically nonexistent." "While men head to cafes and public places to discuss things among themselves, women in rural areas cannot because they are not even allowed to go out," Amel added.

                  This article was translated from an original version in French by Dominique Soguel

                  Comment


                  • #69
                    Samy Cherroud :


                    Samedi 23 Avril 2011 -- La coalition des Associations des familles des victimes du terrorisme qui regroupe le Collectif des familles des disparus en Algérie (CFDA), SOS Disparus, Somoud et Djazairouna, interpelle l’État algérien pour qu'il ratifie la convention internationale pour la protection des personnes contre toutes les disparitions forcées. L’appel a été lancé ce samedi 23 avril lors d’une rencontre organisée ?* Alger autour de la thématique «Vérité, justice et processus de transition démocratique».

                    Pour Nassera Dutour, porte‑parole du CFDA, cette ratification est importante pour la quête des familles des disparus pour la vérité car elle représente «un instrument qu’est le droit international» et dont les dispositions consacrent le droit ?* la vérité et concernent pour certaines d’entre elles, la question de l'amnistie. Cette ratification, explique notre interlocutrice, est d’autant plus importante qu’elle interviendrait dans le contexte de la mise en place en mai prochain ?* New York, au siège des Nations Unies, du Comité pour ladite convention, lequel est chargé précisément de mettre en œuvre ces dispositions. «Jusque‑l?* 21 pays ont ratifié la convention en question dont quelques‑uns ont reconnu le Comité qui sera habilité ?* recevoir les plaintes des personnes concernées par les dispositions et ?* prendre des décisions en cas de violation par les États des droits de l’homme. D’où l’importance de cette structure et pour que l’Algérie la ratifie», explique encore Mme Dutour.

                    Pour Ali Merabet, porte‑parole de Somoud, il est tout aussi impératif que l’Algérie fasse ce pas car «si elle ne le fait pas, cela veut dire qu’elle est prête ?* reproduire les événements tragiques qu’a connus le pays. Cela voudrait dire qu’elle sera devant ses responsabilités et qu’elle sera appelée ?* régler le dossier pas uniquement des disparus mais de toutes les victimes du terrorisme». Notre interlocuteur dénonce la «façon d’agir» du pouvoir qui consiste ?* signer des conventions et ?* être d’accord sur le principe mais sans les ratifier : «Il faut passer ?* l’acte et s’engager comme le ferait un État responsable !» Pour rappel, l’Algérie a signé ladite convention le 6 février 2007 mais ne l'a toujours pas ratifiée.

                    Comment


                    • #70
                      Hadjer Guenanfa :


                      Jeudi 2 Juin 2011 -- Le Comité des droits de l’homme de l’ONU a, pour la septième fois, condamné l’Algérie pour des disparitions forcées durant les années de terrorisme. La dernière condamnation, confirmée fin mai, pour la disparition forcée de Brahim Aouabdia est «une grande victoire» pour Nassera Dutour, porte‑parole du Comité des familles de disparus en Algérie (CFDA). «Ils (les dirigeants algériens, ndlr) veulent convaincre le monde entier que le dossier des disparitions forcées est clos. Il ne le sera jamais. L'Algérie a déj?* été condamnée ?* six reprises pour des disparitions forcées. La condamnation sur le dossier de Brahim Aouabdia est la septième. Nous serons toujours l?* pour en parler», a indiqué ce jeudi 2 juin, Mme Dutour dans une déclaration ?* TSA. Brahim Aouabdia, 41 ans, a été arrêté le 30 mai 1994 par des policiers ?* Constantine. Sa famille ne l'a plus jamais revu depuis. Le 22 mars dernier, le Comité des droits de l’homme des Nations unies a pris une décision qu'il a rendue publique ?* la fin du mois de mai. Il donne raison ?* la plaignante, sa femme, représentée par l’association suisse de lutte contre l’impunité, Trial (Track Impunity Always).

                      Notre interlocutrice est convaincue qu'on ne peut effacer l'histoire. Elle précise d'ailleurs que d'autres dossiers seront déposés dans les prochaines semaines. «À l'ONU, ils (les Algériens, ndlr) font tout pour bloquer les dossiers relatifs aux disparitions forcées. Leur argument est le fait que la Charte pour la réconciliation nationale a réglé le problème. Ce qui n'est bien évidemment pas le cas», affirme‑t‑elle. En décembre dernier, une convention internationale pour la protection de toutes les personnes contre les disparitions forcées est entrée en vigueur. «Nous sommes en train de préparer 100 dossiers individuels mais que nous allons déposer collectivement. Notre objectif est de faire valoir le crime contre l'humanité, en nous basant sur les articles de la convention internationale pour la protection de toutes les personnes contre les disparitions forcées, même si l'Algérie ne l'a pas encore ratifiée, et je pense qu'elle va tarder ?* le faire», poursuit Mme Dutour. En vertu de cette convention, les responsables de crimes contre l'humanité peuvent être interpellés sur le sol de l'un des États qui ont ratifié la convention (25 ?* ce jour).

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